Cangkir Teh #5: Aspek Normatif dalam Pemberian Bantuan Peningkatan Kapasitas Keamanan Siber Internasional: Pengalaman Jepang dan Korea Selatan

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Kamis (30/08), Institute of Internarnational Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada (IIS UGM) menyelenggarakan Diskusi Cangkir Teh edisi #5 yang bertajuk “Aspek Normatif dalam Bantuan Peningkatan Kapasitas Keamanan Siber Internasional : Pengalaman Jepang dan Korea Selatan”. Dalam kesempatan kali ini, IIS UGM mengundang Azza Bimantara, alumni HI UGM yang baru saja menyelesaikan studi pascasarjana-nya di Corvinus University of Budapest. Sebagai moderator, IIS UGM menghadirkan Nabilah Nur Abiyanti, Staf Riset IIS UGM.

Tema diskusi hari ini merupakan elaborasi dari topik tesis Azza yang berjudul “The Normative Enactment of International Cybersecurity Capacity Building Assistance: A Comparative Analysis on Japanese and South Korean Practices”. Dalam pemaparannya, Azza membahas mengenai bantuan peningkatan kapasitas keamanan siber internasional dengan membandingkan pengalaman kedua negara yang berbeda, yaitu Jepang dan Korea Selatan.

Seusai sesi pemaparan oleh narasumber, kegiatan ditutup dengan sesi diskusi yang berlangsung dengan kondusif.

IIS Fortnightly Review #9 | Edisi 1 – 15 September 2021

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Our ninth edition of Fortnightly Review is out now! Articles featured in this edition are:

• Surviving Kabul’s Dramatic Takeover: Indonesia’s Moves to Prioritize the Safety of Indonesian Citizens and Embassy Transfer (F. Tarissa)
• Listen to the Afghans: But Which Afghan? (S. Al Murtadho)
• Politicizing Revenge Porn: How Myanmar Brutalizes Women Under the Guise of Democracy (F. Tarissa)
• Is Pandemic a “Black Swan” For ASEAN E-Commerce Industries? (Arrizal A.J.)

Access the review through https://simpan.ugm.ac.id/s/SwgFNOdOQt9uB0H

Annual Convention on Global South 2021 | International Order Beyond the Pandemic: Repositioning of the Global South

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Greetings Go South enthusiast!

After three days of fruitful and engaging discussions in both seminars and panel sessions, we hereby conclude the Annual Convention on the Global South 2021. We hope that all participants could gain invaluable insights through this conference that would further the interest in the studies of the Global South.

As the convener of this conference, we would like to express our deepest gratitude to partners that have supported us in organizing this event. We would also appreciate the speakers, chairs, and moderators for their contributions in this conference. Lastly, we would also thank all participants for their spirited participations throughout conference sessions.

We are looking forward to see you again in the Annual Convention on the Global South 2022!

IIS Fortnightly Review #8 | Edisi 15 – 31 Agustus 2021

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Our eight edition of Fortnightly Review is out now! Articles featured in this edition are:

• The Threatened Security in Afghanistan: The Taliban’s Politicisation and Objectification of the Afghan Women and Girls (J.D. Asmoro)
• Milk Tea Alliance: Youth Movements for The Better Future in Southeast Asia (M.S. Kemalsyah )
• Bipedalism of Global Tourism Trust Recovery: Review on Indonesian CHSE Certification and Vaccine Distribution (A.C.K. Putri)
• ‘Vulnerabilities Laid Bare’: The ILO Brief on Covid-19 and ASEAN Labour Maket (F. Tarissa)

Access the review through https://simpan.ugm.ac.id/s/jjSwVdIMabkIPb8

Cangkir Teh | Memahami Konsep Settler Colonialism: Studi Kasus Israel-Palestina

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Settler Colonialism atau kolonialisme pemukim adalah suatu bentuk penjajahan yang bertujuan untuk menggantikan masyarakat asli dari wilayah jajahan dengan masyarakat pemukim atau penjajah. Di dalam jenis kolonialisme ini, masyarakat asli tidak hanya terancam untuk kehilangan wilayah, namun juga cara kehidupan dan juga identitas yang telah dimiliki turun-temurun.

Berbagai contoh kolonialisme pemukim masih ada dan nyata hingga kini. Salah satunya adalah di Palestina, di mana pengusiran penduduk asli Palestina dari Tepi Barat masih terus terjadi dan sempat meletus menjadi suatu krisis internasional pada Mei lalu. Di bawah kolonialisme pemukim Israel, penduduk asli Palestina menghadapi berbagai ancaman eksistensial yang kerap kali difasilitasi oleh Israel.

 

Diskusi Cangkir Teh : Memahami Konsep Settler Colonialism: Studi Kasus Israel-Palestina akan diselenggarakan pada :

Tanggal : Selasa, 24 Agustus 2021
Waktu : 13.00 – 14.30 WIB
Tempat: Zoom Meeting

Pembicara:
• Kishino Bawono, Dosen Hubungan Internasional Universitas Katolik Parahyangan

Moderator:
• Cut Intan Auliannisa Isma, Program Manager Institute of International Studies (IIS) HI UGM

Registrasi dapat dilakukan melalui tautan bit.ly/CangkirTeh4

 

[RECAP] Beyond the Great Wall #15: Transforming Perceptions about China: The Role of Culture and Mass Media

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On Friday (25/06), the Institute of International Studies UGM held the 15th edition of Beyond the Great Wall Forum, titled “Transforming Perceptions about China: The Role of Culture and Mass Media.” In this edition, BTGW was held online via the Zoom Meetings platform and invited two speakers. First, M. Habib Pashya, an assistant researcher of the International Relations department in Universitas Islam Indonesia, presented “Efforts to Improve China’s Bad Reputation in Indonesia through the Confucian Institute.” The second speaker is Aucky Adi Kurniawan, a student from Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang and researcher in Indonesia International Studies Academic Utilization Community, who presented “The Role of Chinese and Western Mass Media in Framing the Uyghur Conflict.” The moderator for this discussion was Indrawan Jatmika, staff of the Research Division in IIS UGM.

Whether it is in Indonesia or at the global level, people’s perception of China is often dominated by doctrines constructed from the West—which lens has been focused on China’s negative side. Responding to this, China is not staying still. Pashya stated that China had been actively engaging with cultural diplomacy since the Cold War era through his presentation. This is because China realizes that China’s political and economic power was relatively weak at the time. China’s cultural diplomacy is enforced through various programs, such as student exchange programs, international events such as the Beijing Olympic of 2008, social campaigns through mass media and radio, international aid such as the Belt and Road Initiative, and by establishing the Confucian Institute in countries all around the world. The Confucian Institute is aimed to promote the Mandarin language and Chinese culture globally. Right now, there are about 500 Confucian Institutes in almost 140 countries—including Indonesia. In Indonesia, the existence of the Confucian Institute has spread massively, especially after Confucianism is recognized as one of the state’s religions during Gus Dur’s presidency. The cultural, diplomatic strategy through the Confucian Institute is done along with the worsening of China’s reputation in Indonesia, especially with the stigmatization against communism and events such as the G30S and the 98 crisis. Essentially this strategy succeeds in bringing a more positive image about China in Indonesia—especially with the emergence of various collaborations with several universities and Muslim organizations. However, in 2019, negative perceptions about China rise significantly because of the Uyghur conflict, problems in the South China Sea, and the COVID-19 pandemic.

Focusing on media studies, through his presentation, Aucky explained that basically, “who controls the media, controls the world.” This is what Aucky calls the key behind China’s vigorous efforts in a media campaign, using media as a tool to fix its political image—especially about the Uyghur conflict. The Uyghur conflict has a long and extensive history; it is a minority ethnic group based in Xinjiang, often depicted by Western media as victims of genocide done by the Chinese government. There are many reports about the existence of concentration camps in Xinjiang intentionally built by the Chinese government to brainwash the Uyghur minorities to become supporters of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). As a response, the CCP, through the Global Times, a media corporation under its wing, released several news reports framing the Uyghur conflict as a separatist movement. Hence, the Chinese government needs to take serious actions against such threats. Framing is done by publishing stories and news such as “Allegedly Missing Uyghurs Found Living Normally,” indicating that the Uyghur minority in China live normally—the total opposite of Western media reports. Such news is also used to counter stories published by media such as the New York Times, a media company under the wing of the US government, such as “Inside China’s Push to Turn Muslim Minorities into an Army of Workers.” Using the theoretical framework of constructivism and framing model analysis in journalism, Aucky stated that it is evident how mass media is used as a political instrument and a tool for propaganda, both by China and the West, especially regarding the politicization of the Uyghur problem.

Writer : Brigitta Kalina

Editor : Mariola Yansverio

[RECAP] Beyond the Great Wall #15: Transformasi Persepsi terhadap Cina: Peran Budaya dan Media Massa

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Pada Jumat (25/06) lalu, Institute of International Studies UGM menyelenggarakan forum Beyond the Great Wall bertajuk “Transformasi Persepsi terhadap Cina: Peran Budaya dan Media Massa”. Edisi ke-15 dari BTGW ini diselenggarakan secara daring melalui platform Zoom Meetings dan menghadirkan 2 pembicara. M. Habib Pashya, asisten riset Hubungan Internasional Universitas Islam Indonesia, menjadi pembicara pertama yang memaparkan materi mengenai “Upaya Perbaikan Identitas Cina yang Buruk di Indonesia melalui Institusi Konghucu”. Kedua, forum BTGW kali ini juga dihadiri oleh Aucky Adi Kurniawan, mahasiswa Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang sekaligus Peneliti di Indonesia International Studies Academic Utilization Community, dengan materi yang berjudul “Peran Media Massa Cina dan Barat dalam Framing Konflik Uyghur”. Moderator diskusi kali ini adalah Indrawan Jatmika, staf Divisi Riset IIS UGM.

Berbicara mengenai persepsi masyarakat, baik di Indonesia maupun di lingkup global, terhadap Cina, seringkali didominasi oleh doktrin ala Barat—yang selama ini hanya fokus pada sisi negatif Cina. Menanggapi hal tersebut, Cina tidak tinggal diam. Pashya melalui presentasinya menyampaikan bahwa Cina secara aktif melakukan diplomasi budaya sejak perang dingin karena menyadari bahwa kekuatan ekonomi dan politiknya masih lemah di kala itu. Diplomasi budaya Cina dilakukan melalui berbagai kegiatan, yaitu pertukaran pelajar, event seperti Beijing Olympic 2008, kampanye melalui media massa dan radio, bantuan internasional seperti Belt and Road Initiatives, serta pendirian institusi Konghucu di berbagai negara. Pendirian institusi Konghucu sendiri biasanya ditujukan untuk mempromosikan Bahasa Mandarin dan budaya Cina ke berbagai penjuru dunia. Hingga saat ini, telah ada setidaknya 500 institusi yang tersebar di 140 negara – termasuk Indonesia. Di Indonesia sendiri, keberadaan institusi Konghucu telah tersebar cukup masif, utamanya setelah disahkannya Konghucu sebagai agama di Indonesia pada era Gus Dur. Strategi diplomasi budaya melalui institusi Konghucu ini dilakukan seiring dengan gencarnya persepsi buruk terhadap Cina di Indonesia, utamanya terkait dengan kuatnya label buruk komunisme di Indonesia dan juga peristiwa seperti G30S dan krisis 98. Pada dasarnya, strategi ini berhasil untuk menciptakan persepsi positif di Indonesia – utamanya seiring dengan munculnya berbagai kerjasama dengan berbagai universitas dan organisasi-organisasi Muslim. Namun, di tahun 2019, persepsi negatif terhadap Cina kembali memuncak seiring adanya isu Uyghur, Laut Cina Selatan, serta pandemi COVID-19.

Berfokus pada kajian media, Aucky melalui presentasinya memaparkan bahwa pada dasarnya “who controls the media, controls the world.” Inilah yang disebut Aucky sebagai kunci dari gencarnya upaya Cina untuk memperbaiki citra politiknya melalui media, utamanya terkait dengan konflik Uyghur. Memiliki sejarah yang cukup panjang, Uyghur sebagai etnis yang tinggal di wilayah Xinjiang kerap kali dibingkai—oleh media barat—sebagai genosida yang dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Cina terhadap etnis minoritas. Banyak tulisan yang menyatakan bahwa terdapat kamp konsentrasi di Xinjiang yang sengaja dibuat oleh Pemerintah Cina untuk mencuci otak mereka yang beretnis Uyghur agar menjadi pro Partai Komunis Cina (PKC). Seolah ingin membantah berita tersebut, PKC melalui Global Times, media yang berada dibawah naungannya, merilis berita-berita tandingan dengan menyatakan bahwa isu Uyghur adalah isu yang terkait dengan gerakan separatisme dan karenanya Pemerintah Cina harus melakukan tindakan-tindakan untuk mencegah berbagai kegiatan yang mengancam integrasinya. Hal ini dilakukan dengan cara merilis berita “Allegedly Missing Uyghurs Found Living Normally” yang menyatakan bahwa kehidupan masyarakat beretnis Uyghur di Cina berjalan dengan normal, seratus delapan puluh derajat berbeda dengan apa yang disampaikan oleh media barat. Berita ini juga dirilis untuk membantah tulisan-tulisan yang dirilis oleh New York Times, sebuah media massa yang berada di bawah naungan Pemerintah Amerika Serikat, salah satunya adalah “Inside China’s Push to Turn Muslim Minorities Into an Army of Workers”. Menggunakan landasan konseptual konstruktivisme dan analisis framing model dalam jurnalisme, Aucky menyatakan bahwa dapat dilihat jika media massa pada dasarnya digunakan oleh baik Cina ataupun negara-negara barat sebagai instrumen politik dan propaganda, utamanya terkait politisasi isu Uyghur.

Penulis : Brigitta Kalina

Penyunting : Mariola Yansverio

[RECAP] Cangkir Teh #2: “The Transformation of Indonesia’s South-South Cooperation: From Solidarity to Interests?”

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On Friday March 19th, the Institute of International Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada (IIS UGM), held the second edition of the Cangkir Teh discussion virtually using Zoom Meetings. In this occasion, IIS UGM invited Rizky Alif Alvian, a professor at the International Relations Department, Universitas Gadjah Mada, as a speaker in this discussion–titled “The Transformation of Indonesia’s South-South Cooperation: From Solidarity to Interests?”. Alongside Rizky, IIS UGM also invited Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika, research staff at IIS UGM as the moderator of this discussion.

In this discussion, Rizky explained an article that he wrote with Dr. Poppy S. Winanti, titled “Indonesia’s South-South cooperation: when normative and material interests converged”. The article was published in the International Relations of the Asia Pacific journal in the September 2019 edition. Through this discussion, Rizky invites the participants to discuss the transformation dynamics of Indonesia’s South-South cooperation and the combination between normative and material interests that are involved–influenced by the political dynamic Indonesia experience.

Rizky opened the session by analyzing the definition of the “South” that is often used in the development discourse, where he sees that the majority of the Global South states experience the same fate as postcolonial countries. This can be seen from the actors who are involved in the Bandung Conference. These Global South states then form a cooperation initiative based on two foundations. First, normative interests, based on the shared sense of fate and the will to no longer be an object of the Global North, and material interests, based on each country’s political and economic interests, including Indonesia.

However, over time, South-South cooperation experienced a transformation, including those done by Indonesia. Consequently, the motivation of the cooperation that started with a normative foundation shifted to a convergence between normative and material interests. In this contemporary era, Rizky argues that Indonesia’s foundation of South-South cooperation is a convergence between normative and material goods.

Furthermore, Rizky divided Indonesia’s South-South cooperation into three different phases. During the Old Order, Indonesia’s South-South cooperation was fully based on normative interests grounded on solidarity to make a revolutionary Global South cooperation. In the second phase, under the New Order, Indonesia started to prioritize material goods by prioritizing political and economic gains as the main backdrop in designing South-South cooperation. The last phase, or the third phase, is marked by the convergence between normative and material interests–started during the Reform era and is continually preserved until now.

After the presentation, Rizky invited the participants to discuss together the South-South cooperation Indonesia has done. Moderated by Indrawan, the discussion session went well and was filled with the participants’ enthusiasm.

Writer : Raditya Bomantara

Editor : Mariola Yansverio

[RECAP] Cangkir Teh #2 : “Transformasi Kerjasama Selatan-Selatan Indonesia: Dari Solidaritas ke Kepentingan?”

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Jumat (19/03) Institute of International Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada (IIS UGM) menyelenggarakan diskusi Cangkir Teh edisi kedua secara virtual melalui platform Zoom Meetings. Pada kesempatan kali ini, IIS UGM mengundang Rizky Alif Alfian, Dosen Departemen Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Gadjah Mada untuk menjadi narasumber dalam diskusi yang bertajuk “Transformasi Kerjasama Selatan-Selatan Indonesia: Dari Solidaritas ke Kepentingan?”. Untuk mendampingi Rizky, IIS UGM mengundang Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika, Staf Peneliti IIS UGM sebagai moderator diskusi.

Pada kesempatan tersebut, Rizky membahas mengenai artikel yang ditulisnya bersama dengan Dr. Poppy S. Winanti, dan berjudul “Indonesia’s South–South cooperation: when normative and material interests converged“. Artikel tersebut telah terbit pada jurnal International Relations of the Asia-Pacific edisi  September 2019. Lewat diskusi tersebut, Rizky mengajak para partisipan Cangkir Teh untuk mendiskusikan bersama mengenai dinamika transformasi Kerjasama Selatan-Selatan yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia, dan kombinasi kepentingan normatif dan material yang terjadi seiring dengan berubahnya situasi politik di Indonesia.

Rizky membuka sesi dengan menjelaskan mengenai definisi “Selatan” yang digunakan dalam pembangunan argumen, dimana ia melihat bahwa mayoritas negara-negara selatan memiliki kesamaan nasib sebagai negara-negara post-colonialism. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari partisipan yang terlibat didalam konferensi Bandung.  Selanjutnya, negara-negara selatan membangun kerja sama dengan dilandasi dua kepentingan yang berbeda, yaitu normatif, yang didasari oleh persamaan nasib dan keinginan untuk tidak lagi menjadi obyek dari negara – negara utara, dan material, yang didasaro oleh kepentingan politik dan ekonomi masing-masing negara, termasuk Indonesia.

Namun, seiring dengan berjalannya waktu, terjadi transformasi kerja sama selatan-selatan yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia, dimana motivasi Kerjasama yang awalnya didasari oleh kepentingan  normatif mengalami transformasi menjadi konvergensi kepentingan normatif dan material. Kepentingan normatif juga mengalami transformasi dari sistem internasional menjadi kompromi. Pada era kontemporer ini, Rizky berargumen bahwa Indonesia melandasi kerja sama selatan-selatannya dengan konvergensi antara kepentingan normatif dan material.

Selanjutnya, Rizky juga membagi transformasi kerja sama selatan – selatan yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia kedalam 3 fase berbeda. Pada fase pertama yang berlangsung pada masa Orde Lama, Kerjasama selatan-selatan Indonesia sepenuhnya didasari oleh kepentingan normatif dan berlandaskan solidaritas untuk membangun kerjasama antar negara selatan yang revolusioner. Pada fase kedua, Indonesia mulai beralih untuk mengutamakan kepentingan material, dibawah kepemimpinan Orde Baru, yang mementingkan kepentingan politik dan ekonomi dalam merancang kerja sama selatan-selatan. Fase terakhir atau fase ketiga ditandai dengan terjadinya konvergensi diantara kepentingan normatif dan material, dan dimulai pada era reformasi, dan masih terus dipertahankan sampai saat ini.

Seusai pemaparan materi, Rizky mengajak para peserta untuk mendiskusikan bersama tentang kerja sama selatan-selatan yang telah dilakukan oleh Indonesia. Dengan dimoderatori Indrawan, sesi diskusi berjalan dengan cukup kondusif dan dipenuhi dengan antusiasme dari para peserta yang terlibat

Penulis : Raditya Bomantara

Penyunting : Mariola Yansverio

[RECAP] Beyond the Great Wall #13: China and Maritime Sovereignty

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On Friday (26/02), Institute of International Studies UGM organized the 13th edition of Beyond the Great Wall Forum, titled “China and  Maritime Sovereignty”. The forum was held online via Zoom Meeting platform. In this event, BTGW invited Aristyo Rizka Darmawan, a professor and researcher for the Center for Sustainable Ocean Policy in the Faculty of Law of Universitas Indonesia. Aristyo’s presentation was titled “China’s New Coast Guard Law: Illegal and Escalatory”. This forum was moderated by Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro, a professor in the International Relations Department UGM.

Last February, the Chinese government has officially authorized China’s New Coast Guard Law. This legislation allows China’s Coast Guard (CCG) to mobilize all capabilities (including the use of force) against parties that are deemed to be interfering with China’s maritime sovereignty and jurisdiction. According to Aristyo’s presentation, this new legislation violates international law and would in fact, escalate tensions among bordering states. At the beginning of his presentation, Aristyo explained that the CCG has a long history in its development. Since 2013, the CCG Bureau was formed to unify China’s legal maritime entities, titled the “Five Dragons, ” including China Marine Surveillance, Chinese Coast Guard, Chinese Maritime Patrol, China Fisheries Law Enforcement Command, and General Administration of Customs. This effort is part of China’s grand ambition to sustain and protect its territorial integration, especially regarding China’s Nine-Dash Line claim that has provoked conflict with East Asian and Southeast Asian states.

Highlighting this issue from the jurisdiction and international law aspect, Aristyo stated that the CCG law is essentially illegal. The CCG law is highly problematic from the jurisdiction side because it would violate other states’ sovereignty, which is legally guaranteed under international law. In addition to that, China’s Nine-Dash line claim would make any territory under the claim illegal. The new law that would allow the CCG’s use of force against parties deemed to interfere in China’s jurisdiction and maritime sovereignty violates international law that forbids any activity in a disputed territory. Not only that, the new CCG law explicitly violates several international laws and treaties, namely the UNCLOS and the UN Charter. Through its new CCG law, China has violated international instruments that forbid states to employ their military capability in resolving maritime disputes.

Moreover, Aristyo explained the new CCG law’s escalation impact; it would increase tensions between China and its bordering countries. China’s Nine-Dash Line claim has pushed itself into being stuck in several maritime disputes with East Asian and Southeast Asian countries. So far, China shows no hesitation in employing coercive means and threatening these countries, even though there is an ongoing effort to negotiate a Code of Conduct (CoC). The new CCG bill’s authorisation will have sour implications towards the CoC negotiation process, sending a message that Beijing does not take the negotiations seriously. Tensions will escalate not only with states who are directly involved in this dispute, but also with the US—noting that the US also plays a role in this maritime territorial dispute.

At the end of his presentation, Aristyo stated that several international actors could take several actions in regards to China passing the new CCG Law. According to him, other claimant countries or countries concerned with the South China Sea dispute could have shown a more robust response. In this case, the response can be in the form of condemnation or pressure against China to quickly evoke or amend the law. In terms of Indonesia, Aristyo claimed that the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs had invited the Chinese Ambassador for talks, but the invitation was left unanswered. Aristyo suggested that it is time for Indonesia to send a diplomatic note to Beijing to show a concrete effort of Indonesia’s commitment to ensuring peace in the Southeast Asian region. Nevertheless, he also stresses that Indonesia must be prepared for all possibilities, especially because Indonesian maritime resources are far behind China’s.

Writer : Brigitta Kalina

Editor : Mariola Yansverio